Showing posts with label double-dealing. Show all posts
Showing posts with label double-dealing. Show all posts

Tuesday, 27 March 2012

Book 1, Chapter 21: That The Profit Of One Man Is The Damage Of Another


 In this short essay, Montaigne shows us that there can be no profit without a loss, just as for something to live, something else must die

For whatever from its own confines passes changed, this is at once the death of what it was before 

A man selling the necessities for funerals was condemned by Demades the Athenian, for demanding unreasonable profits, and for making these profits by benefiting from the deaths of other people.

This is an ill-grounded judgment, for no profit can be made except at the expense of another. A farmer thrives because of the dearness of grain, an architect by the ruin of buildings, lawyers and judges by the fights and arguments of men, and even priests derive their high standing from our death and vices. A doctor takes no pleasure in the health even of their friends, jokes the ancient Greek writer Seneca, nor the soldier from times of peace, and so on.

And, what is worse, if we dive into our own hearts we will find that every private wish and secret hope depends upon the expense of another.

Nature does not behave unusually in making this so; doctors have found that the birth, nourishment, and increase of one thing is the dissolution and corruption of another. Lucretius said,

‘For whatever from its own confines passes changed, this is at once the death of what it was before.’ 

Tuesday, 6 March 2012

Book 1, Chapter 9: Of Liars



In this wonderfully long and meandering essay, Montaigne first writes about his own poor memory, and how it can be beneficial, at times, to have a bad memory. Then he complains of talkative people, and finally of liars. He talks about two different types of liars, and illustrates with some personal as well as royal examples. 

I have a worse memory than any man I know. ‘My other faculties are all sufficiently ordinary … but in this, I think myself very rare and singular, and deserving to be thought famous’. Plato was certainly right when he called the memory ‘a great and powerful goddess’.

In my country, when someone wants to say someone has no sense, they sometimes say ‘he has no memory’. When I complain of my own defective memory, people do not believe me – they think I am calling myself a fool. They do not differentiate then, between memory and understanding. This is unfair; experience daily shows us, in fact, that a strong memory often goes hand in hand with weak judgment. My friends also do me a disservice when they bring my friendship into question over the issue of my weak memory. Truth is I ‘am so perfect in nothing as in friendship’. But when I forget a request or a promise made, or I forget to say or do or conceal something, they sometimes think this is because I don’t care for them. It should be enough that I feel the misery and inconvenience of neglecting something important to my friend, without being accused of malice for it. Malice couldn’t be more contrary to my personality.

However, I derive some comfort from my weakness. First, this weakness has helped me avoid a worse one, namely, ambition, an intolerable defect in those who take on public affairs. Also, Nature has strengthened my other faculties to compensate for the weakness in memory. If I had had the ideas and opinions of others ever-present with me through the benefits of a good memory, I would have let my judgment and reasoning depend upon their reports, without every bothering to work things out for myself. Also, I would have been talkative. The memory contains much more information, after all, than the intellect. If my memory had been faithful to me I could have ‘deafened all my friends with my babble’. I have observed in several close friends whose memories ‘supply them with an entire and full view of things’, that they ‘begin their narrative so far back, and crowd it with’ so much useless information, that even if the story in itself is good, they destroy it, so you are left either cursing the ‘strength of their memory or the weakness of their judgment’.  And it’s impossible to cut them off or make them get to the point once they have started. Its like with horses; ‘there is nothing wherein the force of a horse is so much seen as in a round and sudden stop’. Even those of my talkative friends who are being quite precise seem to be unable to stop, because, while they are searching for a good line to conclude with, they go on randomly, straggling about on trivialities ‘as men staggering upon weak legs’. Worst of all are the old men who remember the stories of their past well, but forget how often they have already told them. This can be very tiring.

There is another advantage to my weak memory: I remember less the injuries that I have received. Maybe I should keep a list of injuries or have a prompter, like the ruler Darius, who, so as not to forget the injuries caused to him by the Athenians, ordered one of his employees to whisper into his ear at every mealtime, ‘Sir, remember the Athenians’. Remembering less also has the advantage that the places I revisit and the books I reread ‘smile upon me with a fresh novelty.’

It’s not without good reason that they say, ‘he who has not a good memory should never take upon him the trade of lying’. The grammarians distinguish between an untruth (something we say that is false but that we believe to be true) and a lie. The definition of a lie in Latin, from which our French is taken, is to say something that we know in our conscience to be untrue.

I’m going to discuss two types of liars now
a. The ones who make up completely what they say. That is, they wholly invent stories and events that never took place.
b. Those who change and disguise a true story.

The second type, who change true stories, will find it difficult to avoid being trapped at one time or another, because “the real truth of the thing, having first taken possession of the memory, and being there lodged … it will be difficult that it should not represent itself to the imagination, and shoulder out falsehood’. The false version doesn’t have as much of a ‘sure and settled footing’ in the memory as the other, true version. The ‘first true knowledge’ may thus make the liar forget those that are untrue and made up by him.

Those that completely invent a story have no ‘true version’ of the tale to ‘jostle their invention’ and so there is ‘less danger of tripping’. Still, the made-up story can easily escape the memory. I’ve had funny experiences of this type of liar, with men who change their speech according to the situation in which they are speaking, and according to the person they address. They tell one person one story and another a different one. And when their listeners ‘confer notes’ and discover the lie, they are ridiculously trapped, ‘for what memory can be sufficient to retain so many different shapes as they have forged upon one and the same subject?’ I have known people who try to gain the reputation of being great storytellers, of the type described above, but ‘they do not see that if they have the reputation of it, the effect can no longer be.’

‘In plain truth, lying is an accursed vice.’ All we have is our word. We should take ‘the horror and gravity’ of this fact very seriously. I sometimes see parents reprimand their children for innocent mistakes. In my opinion, only lying (and obstinacy, which is of a lower form) should be punished. Otherwise, these qualities increase as the children grow up, ‘after a tongue has once got the knack of lying, ‘tis not to be imagined how impossible it is to reclaim’. We sometimes see, indeed, honest men enslaved to this vice. My tailor, for instance, is an honest lad who never tells the truth, even if the truth is to his advantage. If falsehood had, like truth, only one face, we would be on better terms, because then whatever he told me, I would assume the contrary is true. But no, ‘the reverse of a truth has a hundred thousand forms, and a field indefinite’.  The Pythagoreans see good as being certain and finite, and evil being uncertain and infinite. ‘There are a thousand ways to miss the white, there is only one to hit it’.

And how much less sociable is false speaking than silence? 

- King Francis boasted that he had outwitted the ambassador to the Duke of Milan, a man who was very famous for his own wit. The ambassador had been sent to apologise on behalf of the Duke for this reason:
The King, in order to maintain some intelligence about goings-on in Milan, had sent a representative to be with the Duke. In effect, he was an ambassador, this man, but he was to pretend to be an ordinary man, residing there for his own reasons. A Milanese helper of the King, Merveille, was selected for this role. He was given letters of recommendation and other credentials, and the Duke took him into his court. Presumably, his true role was discovered, because the Duke held a sham two-day trial where he accused Merveille of murder. Then, he had him beheaded.
The King made inquiries, and the Duke’s ambassador arrived, with a long falsified story of what had occurred. He insisted that the Duke had never considered Merveille anything other than a private gentleman in Milan on his own business. The King pressed him with several ‘objections and demands’. For example, he asked why the execution had been done at night, as if by stealth. The ‘poor confounded ambassador’ stumbled, and said that the Duke had too much respect for the King to perform it in the day. It can be guessed that this ambassador was admonished when he went home, ‘for having so grossly tripped in the presence of so delicate a nostril as King Francis’.

- Pope Julius sent a messenger to the King of England, urging him to wage war against the French King Francis. The King’s reaction was hesitant; he worried about putting enough resources together to attach such a powerful king as Francis. The ambassador replied that he too had thought of these difficulties, and told the Pope about them. This response was ‘so directly opposite to the thing propounded and the business he came about, which was immediately to incite him to war’ that the King reasoned that the ambassador was clearly on the side of the French. He told Pope Julius of his suspicion, and on his return, the ambassador’s home was confiscated, and he only just escaped losing his head.

Saturday, 3 March 2012

Book 1, Chapter 6: That The Hour Of Parley Dangerous


Montaigne continues to wonder about what happens when the enemy offers to negotiate, and whether one can use all means necessary to win a fight. 

Not far from where I live, people were driven out. They complained of treachery because during a ‘treaty of accommodation’ (a truce-signing) they were attacked by surprise. In another age, this would have been considered foul play, but these days, warfare is changing, and we cannot have any faith in the enemy’s proposal of a truce until the treaty is signed and sealed. And even then, one can’t be completely certain. How can we trust that a man will keep his promise when we surrender? That the soldiers ‘in the heat of blood’, when given permission to enter, will not take advantage?

- A Roman general attempted and failed to capture the city of Phocaea. He was impressed by the bravery of the defending army and declared then that he would visit them as friends. He gave assurance that there would be no hostility, and brought his army with him for the visit, in a ceremonial gesture. Once within, however, he was unable to restrain his army. Out of greed and revenge they ‘trampled both his authority and all military discipline’ and ruined a big part of the city.

- Cleomenes, another emperor, believed that men could behave however they liked during war. On the third night of a seven-day truce that he had signed with the city of Argos, he attacked while all were asleep. He alleged that there had been no mention of night-time in the agreement. But the gods punished him.

Such treachery occurs again and again in time of war, so it seems that Cicero’s advice just does not apply in such times: ‘No one should prey upon another’s folly’. No, instead, perhaps they follow Ariosto, who says, ‘Victory is ever worthy of praise, whether obtained by valour or wisdom’.

The philosopher Chrysippus held a different view, a view with which I agree. He said that those who run a race should employ all the force they have in what they do, so they should run as fast as they can, but ‘it is by no means fair in them to lay any hand upon their adversary to stop him, nor to set a leg before him to throw him down.’

Yet more generous is the response Alexander gave when he was being persuaded to take advantage of the night’s darkness to attack. He said, ‘it is not for such a man as I am to steal a victory.’

I end with this quote by Quint. Curt: ‘I had rather complain of ill fortune than be ashamed of victory’

Friday, 2 March 2012

Book 1, Chapter 5: Whether The Governor Of A Place Besieged Ought Himself To Go Out To Parley


In this essay, Montaigne talks about fighting dirty, and ponders over whether deceit is legitimate when one is at war. Most importantly, he asks whether we should trust the enemy who seems to want to negotiate.

A Roman king, looking to buy time, offered the possibility of a truce to the king of Macedon. Then, taking advantage of the lull, he fortified his troops and attacked. The elder senators disapproved; they felt battles should be won through bravery, not ‘artifice, surprises, and night-encounters; neither by pretended flight’, and that war should be proclaimed, and even the time and place of battle announced. These Roman ideas are very different from the Greican or Punic ones, where a victory does not lose any glory if it is won by fraud rather than force. The Roman senators had probably not heard the words of Aeneid, when he said, ‘What matters whether by valour or by strategm we overcome the enemy’

- The Achaians hated double-dealing, and thought war should be won with ‘good faith and dignity’; Cicero, echoes this sentiment, saying, ‘Whether you or I shall rule, or what shall happen, let us determine by valour.’

- In Ternate (‘amongst those nations which we so broadly call barbarians’) there is a custom never to commence war without forewarning. Then, they declare in advance the number of men in their army, their ammunition, and their intentions. Now, this being done, if their enemies do not ‘yield and come to an agreement’, they consider it lawful to use all means necessary to conquer.

-The ancient Florentines were so careful not to gain unfair advantage that they always gave a month’s notice before an attack.

We are ‘not so scrupulous in this affair.’ The honour of the war goes to whoever wins. Lysander says, ‘Where the lion’s skin is too short, we must eke it out with a bit from that of a fox.’ Thus, we are wary of surprise attacks, and feel that the commander must be circumspect if any kinds of offers of accommodations or truces are made. Thus, the governor of a place, should not go out to negotiate in times of siege. Or if he does, he should in such a way that ‘the safety and advantage should be on his side’. An example:

- Our Count Guido, went out to negotiate, but stayed so near his fort that when disorder erupted, he found himself in the stronger position.

Sometimes, of course, there are benefits to going out to negotiate. If one knows, for example, that they are on the verge of certain defeat, it makes sense to compromise.   

I like to have trust in others, but in the situation where I were asked to negotiate, I would be hesitant, mainly because it may be construed that I have done so out of despair or a lack of courage rather than voluntarily, out of confidence and with faith in the person wishing to negotiate.